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Were Nephi’s Small Plates Contained in Mormon’s Gold Plates?

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Our present Book of Mormon text was translated from records known to members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints as the plates of Mormon and the small plates of Nephi. Joseph Smith translated Mormon’s plates first and (after the first part of this translation was stolen1) later translated Nephi’s small plates. To fill the gap at the beginning of Mormon’s narrative, Joseph substituted the small plates of Nephi’s account for the missing part of Mormon’s account. Given that Joseph Smith described this substitution in the original preface to the 1830 Book of Mormon, Latter-day Saints have always known that the Book of Mormon’s extant text comes from the translation of both Mormon’s plates and Nephi’s small plates.2 In this article, I will posit the possibility that we have not, however, visualized the relationship of those two sets of plates correctly.

Painting of a man seated at a table, leaning forward to look into a hat held in his lap while another man sits behind him writing. The scene takes place in a simple interior room and depicts the process of translating using a seer stone.

Figure 1. By the Gift and Power of God, Anthony Sweat, 2014, oil on board. Courtesy Anthony Sweat.

Accurately visualizing what we know from the historical record can be surprisingly difficult. Early historical sources describe Joseph Smith translating the Book of Mormon text via interpreters or a seer stone.3 But artistic depictions, and therefore common Latter-day Saint visualizations, have often portrayed Joseph translating by simply reading from the plates with the naked eye—not using a sacred seeing implement (fig. 1). Scholarship offers a corrective to this faulty visualization.4

Latter-day Saints have generally visualized the relationship of Mormon’s plates and Nephi’s small plates as two segments of a single record, bound together into one book by a shared set of rings. I will argue in this article that this visualization may also be faulty—that Mormon’s plates and Nephi’s small plates were not bound together into a single book but were utilized separately and sequentially by the Prophet Joseph Smith in translating the Book of Mormon. Evidence pointing to the model that the small plates and Mormon’s plates were separate records may be found in the Book of Mormon text and in sources from the early history of the Church.5

Although Mormon’s description in the Words of Mormon has been read to say that the two sets of plates were bound together, no text actually says this—and, as we will see further below, Mormon in fact indicates the opposite. Mormon wrote, “I shall take these plates, . . . and put them with the remainder of my record” (W of M 1:6). This verse is generally interpreted to mean that the two sets of plates were bound together. I will show that the verse more naturally implies that the two sets remained separate. Further, the title page of the Book of Mormon (and thus of Mormon’s completed set of plates) describes a record lacking the small plates of Nephi, further implying that the two plate sets were separate.

In addition, the timeline of the Book of Mormon’s translation and the associated exchanges of plates between Joseph Smith and the angel Moroni similarly suggest that Joseph used two distinct sets of plates in succession to translate the Book of Mormon. I will argue from historical sources that when Joseph completed his work with Mormon’s set of plates at the end of May 1829, Joseph returned Mormon’s plates to the angel before leaving Harmony, Pennsylvania. Joseph’s remaining translation work, carried out in Fayette, New York, was exclusively from Nephi’s small plates, with no need for him to further access the plates of Mormon that he had returned to the angel. This article will argue that the model of two separate sets of plates best accounts for both the textual and the historical data.

The Small Plates of Nephi are Absent from the Book of Mormon Title Page

Readers of the Nephite record are told on its title page what they are about to encounter: Mormon’s abridgment of Nephi’s large plates—“The Book of Mormon: An Account Written by the Hand of Mormon upon Plates Taken from the Plates of Nephi”—followed by Moroni’s “abridgment taken from the Book of Ether” (Title Page of the Book of Mormon).6 But, skipping the modern front matter, readers plunge immediately from the title page’s introduction of Mormon’s record into “The First Book of Nephi,” narrated in the voice of Nephi (“I, Nephi,” 1 Ne. 1:1) and written by him on his “small plates” (Jacob 1:1). The reader must wait until 145 pages into the modern English edition to encounter the promised abridgment from Mormon, at the book of Mosiah.

Although the reader plunges from the title page into the 145 pages of Nephi’s small plates, the title page makes no mention of the small plates.7 Why would Moroni, who composed or completed the title page,8 fail to mention Nephi’s record of the small plates if he had included it with his ringed book of plates? How should readers understand a title page announcing Mormon’s record but followed instead by Nephi’s? One might wonder if this discontinuity is explained by the fact that the manuscript translation of the first four-and-a-half centuries of Mormon’s narrative (the lost 116 pages) was stolen, and Joseph Smith replaced it with Nephi’s small plates.9 The lost pages do account for why Joseph Smith later turned to Nephi’s small plates as a replacement, but they do not explain why Moroni omitted any mention of Nephi’s small plates on his title page, if they were in fact in his record.10

Although the title page fails to mention Nephi’s small plates, it does introduce the book of Ether, which was contained in Moroni’s ringed set of plates. Moroni’s mention of the book of Ether on the title page implies that the title page was intended to include the principal source divisions within the bound plates set he curated. So, given that the book of Ether comprises just under six percent of the published Book of Mormon text, Moroni’s omission from the title page of the much more substantial small plates of Nephi—comprising almost twenty-seven percent of the extant text—calls out for explanation.11

Why, then, does Moroni omit Nephi’s small plates in his introduction to the stack of plates he hid in the Hill Cumorah?12 The answer proposed here, based on several converging lines of evidence, is that the small plates were not in that stack. Despite common opinion that the small plates were bound together with the plates of Mormon, I suggest that evidence in the Book of Mormon text and in historical sources points to another model: These sets of plates were kept separate by their Nephite authors and remained separate when used by Joseph Smith.

“Put Them With”: Evidence from the Text

It has been conventionally assumed that Mormon added Nephi’s small plates to his own plates by binding the two sets of plates together with the same rings to form a single stack of golden plates, and that Joseph Smith translated the entire extant Book of Mormon from this single bound volume that he obtained from the Hill Cumorah in 1827.13 This assumption rests on one verse: “I shall take these plates, which contain these prophesyings and revelations [the small plates], and put them with the remainder of my record [the plates of Mormon]” (W of M 1:6).

But Mormon does not here indicate that he bound the small plates with his own plates, only that he “put them with” his plates. Given the primary meaning of the word “put” in English at the time the Book of Mormon was translated—“To set, lay or place”—Mormon likely meant that he set, laid, or placed the two sets of plates together.14 The phrase “put them with” appears in the Book of Mormon only twice, both times in the Words of Mormon, just a few verses apart. In verse  10, Mormon uses the phrase again, this time to describe what King Benjamin had previously done with the small plates after having received them from Amaleki: “Wherefore, it came to pass that after Amaleki had delivered up these plates into the hands of king Benjamin, he took them and put them with the other plates, which contained records which had been handed down by the kings” (W of M 1:10, emphasis added).

Mormon’s parallel use of “put them with” to describe what he and Benjamin both did with the small plates illuminates what that phrase did—and did not—mean to Mormon. It appears that in Mormon’s understanding, whatever Benjamin had done with the small plates in “put[ting] them with” the large plates, Mormon himself did with the small plates in “put[ting] them with” his plates of Mormon.

Abstract illustration of a single rectangular plate with three rings along the left edge, symbolizing a standalone record placed alongside others rather than bound together.

Figure 2. Keystone, Ben Crowder, 2024, made with Figma, Affinity Designer, and Affinity Photo. Courtesy Ben Crowder.

So, what did Benjamin do and not do with the small plates? Fortunately, Mormon revealed this a few verses earlier, showing that Benjamin did not bind the small plates to the large plates but merely placed them together in the same repository. Mormon reported, “After I had made an abridgment from the plates of Nephi, down to the reign of this king Benjamin, of whom Amaleki spake [in Omni 1:23–25], I searched among the records which had been delivered into my hands, and I found these plates, which contained this small account of the prophets, from Jacob down to the reign of this king Benjamin, and also many of the words of Nephi” (W of M 1:3). Had the small plates been bound together with the large plates by King Benjamin before Mormon abridged them, Mormon would have had both records within the same bound set, with no need to “search among” other records to find the small plates.

Thus, when Mormon wrote that King Benjamin took the small plates and “put them with” the large plates (v. 10), he most likely again used the phrase in its face-value sense—“placed them with,” rather than “bound them with.” Mormon applied the same phrase, “put them with,” to his own curating of the plates a few verses earlier (v. 6). Nothing in his language suggests binding two sets of plates together. Absent any idea in the Book of Mormon text that Nephi’s small plates and Mormon’s plates were bound together, Moroni’s omission of the small plates from the title page seems natural.

The Evidence of Nineteenth-Century Historical Sources

If Nephi’s small plates and Mormon’s plates were not bound together, this suggests the possibility that our present Book of Mormon text was translated from two independent sets of plates—that is, from two distinct records that were not ringed together into a single set.15 External evidence from historical sources suggests how these separate plates were translated and transported. Having separate sets of plates explains an intriguing series of events in the translation of the Book of Mormon—namely, that Joseph Smith concluded the translation of Mormon’s plates in Harmony, Pennsylvania at the end of May 1829, returned those plates to the angel (in line with the angel’s own earlier instruction to return them when he was done translating them), and then relocated to New York before beginning the translation of Nephi’s small plates.

Scholarship concurs that after the manuscript forepart of Mormon’s abridgment was stolen, Joseph Smith did not immediately translate the small plates he would replace it with. Rather, he resumed translating where he had left off in the plates of Mormon, at the book of Mosiah. He translated those plates through their conclusion with the book of Moroni and title page. (The title page, which describes Moroni’s completed record and does not mention the small plates, was reportedly placed at the end of Moroni’s record.)16 When he finished with Mormon’s plates, Joseph translated the small plates of Nephi.17 Consequently, once Joseph had translated through the book of Moroni, he no longer needed the plates of Mormon but could exclusively employ Nephi’s small plates.

So, if Mormon’s plates and Nephi’s small plates were part of a single set, bound together with the same rings, we might expect Joseph to retain the set of plates given him by the messenger at Cumorah until he finished translating the whole set, including the small plates. On the other hand, if Mormon’s plates and Nephi’s small plates were separate sets, individually bound, we might expect Joseph to surrender Mormon’s plates back into the angel’s care after he translated these to their end (the book of Moroni) but before he acquired and translated Nephi’s small plates. And this, per the scholars and sources cited below, is exactly what he did.

David Whitmer, a participant in Joseph’s move from Harmony, Pennsylvania, to Fayette, New York, reported—as we shall examine further—that Joseph described returning the plates he had been translating to the messenger prior to this move. Examining the chronology of translation and Whitmer’s report, we will see that Joseph returned the plates given him at Cumorah immediately after concluding his translation of the plates of Mormon and before beginning to translate the small plates—just as we might expect if these two sets of plates were separate.

Translation Chronology

Four scholars independently producing translation timelines have all converged on the same timing for when Joseph completed the plates of Mormon. These chronologists agree partly because of two revelations given to Joseph in Harmony, Pennsylvania, at the end of May 1829, just before he moved to Fayette, New York.18 These two revelations (D&C 11 and 12) allude to and employ language from the final chapters of the plates of Mormon (Moro. 7–10), placing the translation of those concluding chapters just before these revelations and thus just before the move.19

John W. Welch, for instance, notes that the phrase “deny not” (repeated several times in Moroni 10) was used in a revelation for Hyrum Smith in Harmony at the end of May 1829 (D&C 11:25). For instance, Moroni 10:7 states, “And ye may know that he is, by the power of the Holy Ghost; wherefore I would exhort you that ye deny not the power of God,” connecting God’s power with his Spirit. Doctrine and Covenants 11 reads, “Deny not the spirit of revelation, nor the spirit of prophecy, for wo unto him that denieth these things” (D&C 11:25), paralleling the content of Moroni 10. Several such correlations between Moroni 7 and 10 and Doctrine and Covenants 11 and 12 can be found. Since the use of these phrases in the book of Moroni is a probable prompt for their clustered use in Doctrine and Covenants, Moroni 7 and 10 were likely received before or around the same time that Joseph relocated to Fayette from Harmony.20

The beginning of the small plates’ translation can be pegged with similar precision to just after this move, enabling us to test the expectation that Joseph began translating the small plates only after returning the plates of Mormon to the messenger. In late May, David Whitmer arrived in Harmony to transport Joseph Smith and Oliver Cowdery to the Whitmer residence in Fayette. If Joseph had just finished with the plates of Mormon at Harmony, he would have begun translation of the small plates in Fayette, starting at 1 Nephi. And this is precisely what he did. The handwriting of a new scribe (now identified as John Whitmer, who was then in Fayette) appears in the original manuscript of the first chapter of 1 Nephi, demonstrating that this text was translated there.21 Thus, there was a clean break between Joseph’s completion of translating the plates of Mormon in Pennsylvania and his resumption of translation with the small plates of Nephi in New York.

Whitmer’s Report

Why the coincidence of Joseph simultaneously switching plates and states? David Whitmer offers a clue. Whitmer reports that “the messenger who had the plates . . . had taken them from Joseph just prior to our starting from Harmony.”22 Thus, after completing the plates of Mormon, Joseph promptly surrendered the plates he had been given at Cumorah—a particularly fitting action if the plates he had been given at Cumorah were exclusively the plates of Mormon.

Along the road to Fayette, according to Whitmer, they encountered a man whom Joseph afterward identified as the messenger carrying the plates: “Said he [the messenger] I am only going over to Comorah—& Suddenly disappeared—they stop[p]ed the team—amazed at the Sudden disappearance of the fine looking stranger he [Whitmer] says that they all felt so strangely—that they asked the Prophet to enquire of the Lord who this stranger was. Soon David said they turned around & Joseph looked pale almost transparent & said that was one of the Nephites and he had the Plates of the Book of Mormon in the knapsac[k].”23

Perhaps Joseph returned the plates he had translated to the messenger so the messenger could ferry them to Fayette for him. Yet this explanation comes up short for multiple reasons. First, the messenger was understood to be taking these plates back to Cumorah rather than to Fayette. Second, Joseph relates in his 1838–1839 history that once the messenger delivered the plates of Mormon into his hands, Joseph was responsible for them until he returned them to angelic care. He wrote, “the same heavenly messenger delivered them up to me with this charge that I should be responsible for them. That . . . if I would use all my endeavours to preserve them untill <he> (the messenger) called should call for them, they should be protected. . . . [W]hen I had done what was required at my hand, he would call for them.”24

What Joseph reported by his words, he confirmed by his deeds. He behaved as if it were his responsibility to protect the plates until his work with them was done and the angel called for them. When thieves came for the plates in New York, Joseph took the plates to Pennsylvania. He also cut “a good cudgel” (a type of club) to protect the plates from the thieves who waylaid him on the journey.25 Based on past attacks by multiple robbers—who “struck him with a club,” “shot at” him, and searched his wagon “very carefully,”26—if Joseph had the option of a secure angelic courier carrying the plates to Pennsylvania, why would he choose to endanger them by carrying them himself? Joseph’s actions imply precisely what the angel instructed—that these plates were to remain in his care until translated. Continuing his narration, Joseph related that he did precisely as the messenger had charged him to do—protected the plates himself until he was done translating them and the messenger called for them: “multitudes were on the alert continualy to get them from me if possible but by the wisdom of God they remained safe in my hands untill I had accomplished by them what was required at my hand, when according to arrangement the messenger called for them, I delivered them up to him and he has them in his charge untill this day.”27

The logic of the messenger’s instructions to Joseph, and of Joseph’s consequent actions, suggest that when he returned the plates to the messenger in Harmony, it was not to have them ferried to Fayette; rather, Joseph returned the plates to the messenger because he “had accomplished by them what was required” of him and the messenger “called for them.” He was done translating those plates.

Figure 3. Map showing Fayette, New York; the Hill Cumorah; and Harmony, Pennsylvania. “Church History Sites in Western New York, 1820–1831,” in John W. Welch and J. Gregory Welch, Charting the Book of Mormon (Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies, 1999), chart 1-12. Courtesy John W. Welch.

Why was Joseph’s move to Fayette, New York, simultaneous with the messenger’s journey to Cumorah? Fayette was just twenty-seven miles from Cumorah, far more convenient than the 130 miles from Harmony. If Mormon’s plates and the small plates were separate sets, then after finishing with Mormon’s plates, Joseph would have anticipated needing to return to Cumorah to acquire the small plates. So, rather than leaving Joseph’s simultaneous change of plates and states as mere coincidence, the model of two discrete sets of plates predicts and accounts for Joseph moving when he did—upon the completion of Mormon’s plates—and where he did: to New York (fig. 3).28

How, then, did Joseph acquire the small plates?29 Did he return to the Hill Cumorah as intended, perhaps visiting the “cave of records” spoken of in mid-nineteenth century sources, to acquire the small plates before he began translating again?30 No historical sources describe him making a trip to Cumorah when he arrived at Fayette and before translating the small plates. And, as events played out, it appears there would have been no need for him to do so after all.

Illustration of Mary Whitmer seated outdoors near a shed as a radiant messenger presents metal plates to her, depicting her witness of the plates

Figure 4. Mary Whitmer Seeing the Plates, Steve Nethercott, 2021, digital illustration. Courtesy Real Hero Studios, www.realherostudios.com.

Mary Whitmer’s Witness

David Whitmer reported that on arriving at the Peter and Mary Musselman Whitmer home, Joseph, Oliver, and David felt a spiritual impression that the person they had met on the road with the plates was there. This messenger promptly made another appearance. “The next Morning,” David recalled, his mother Mary Whitmer “saw the Person at the Shed and he took the Plates from A Box & Showed them to her.”31 What plates did he bring? The plates Joseph needed at this point were those he had not yet translated—the small plates of Nephi. The messenger, who had been headed to Cumorah, brought these plates from Cumorah to Fayette. The messenger would thus have brought the small plates right when they were needed—just in time for Joseph to translate them.32

That Mary Whitmer named the messenger “Brother Nephi” may echo the name of Nephi’s small plates that the messenger showed to her.33 Mary Whitmer’s encounter with the heavenly bearer of the plates has typically been interpreted as a purely personal experience given to her for her own comfort and edification but with no spiritually substantive role in the Book of Mormon’s coming forth. Yet Mary Whitmer’s experience appears to have had just such a role. Mary’s experience of the angel coming to the Whitmer farm with plates showed that the needed plates arrived there without Joseph having to get them from Cumorah. Her experience thus also accounts for why Joseph immediately resumed translating without returning to Cumorah first.

In this light, Joseph’s realization that he did not need to return to the hill to get the small plates may have come, not by revelation to himself, but by revelation to Mary Whitmer. And it was a momentous revelation. Amy Easton-Flake and Rachel Cope have noted, “When Mary was shown the plates, she became the first known individual to see them besides Joseph Smith. Within the month, all of the male members of her family, except for her husband, would join her in witnessing the physical reality of the plates.”34 As Mary Magdalene saw the risen Lord before the Twelve disciples and testified of this to them, Mary Musselman Whitmer saw the plates and the messenger before the formal witness experiences of the twelve (Joseph Smith, the Three Witnesses, and the Eight Witnesses) and testified of this experience to them.35 Though the roles of others besides Joseph in the Book of Mormon’s emergence have historically tended to be minimized, this is especially true of women, whose important roles are only recently beginning to be recognized and documented.36

Black-and-white illustration of a stack of gold plates bound together with metal rings, shown from an angled view.

Figure 5. The Gold Plates, by Anthony Sweat, 2014, 8″ × 10″, watercolor and ink. Courtesy Anthony Sweat.

Conclusion

While interpreters of the Book of Mormon have sometimes read into the Words of Mormon that Nephi’s small plates were bound with the plates of Mormon, the text does not say this. Indeed, the textual data of the Words of Mormon and the title page are at least as well explained—if not much better explained—on the model that Nephi’s small plates were simply placed with, rather than bound with, the plates of Mormon. Historical sources and the Book of Mormon’s translation timeline also align with this model, indicating that Joseph Smith returned the plates to the angel just when we would expect if those plates contained only Mormon’s record, not Nephi’s small plates.

Recognizing that the Book of Mormon text as we have it was likely translated from two sets of plates rather than one has significant implications for understanding the Restoration. The Restoration has sometimes been depicted as a kind of one-man show in which Joseph played all the spiritually significant parts. Yet, if the Book of Mormon was translated from two sets of plates, with the angelic “Brother Nephi” as courier of the small plates and Mary Whitmer as a witness and recipient of a substantive visitation, this points to a richer story in which some of Joseph Smith’s ministerial coworkers have previously unacknowledged revelatory roles.37

Recognizing that the Book of Mormon was likely translated from two distinct sets of plates (the plates of Mormon and the small plates of Nephi) reveals a God who brought Joseph more than one record, by more than one messenger, and witnessed by more than one gender. This view is supported by textual and historical evidence as well as Mary Whitmer’s witness. By expanding our vision of that sacred work in the past, we gain insights that can enrich our vision of God’s work in the present.

About the Author

Donald Patrick Bradley Sr.

Donald Patrick Bradley Sr. (“Don”) is an author, historian, aspiring disciple, and father. Don (B.A., History, Brigham Young University; M.A., History, Utah State University) researches Joseph Smith and the beginnings of the Restoration. Don has published many articles, including the 2021 Mormon History Association’s Best Article award winner, coauthored with Mark Ashurst McGee. His first book is The Lost 116 Pages: Reconstructing the Book of Mormon’s Missing Stories (Greg Kofford Books, 2019). He is the infinitely proud father of Nicholas Bradley and the late Donnie Bradley.


Notes

Thank you so much to my dear sons Donnie and Nicholas Bradley for supporting and inspiring this work and for the love they have given across their lives. I also wish to acknowledge Jack Welch, John Thompson, Alex Criddle, and Jonathan Neville for their suggestions on this paper.

  1. 1. “History, Circa Summer 1832,” in Histories, Volume 1: Joseph Smith Histories, 1832–1844, ed. Karen Lynn Davidson, David J. Whittaker, Mark Ashurst-McGee, and Richard L. Jensen, Joseph Smith Papers (Church Historian’s Press, 2012), 15–16, 16n61; and “Preface to Book of Mormon, circa August 1829,” in Documents, Volume 1: July 1828–June 1831, ed. Michael Hubbard MacKay, Gerrit J. Dirkmaat, Grant Underwood, Robert J. Woodford, and William G. Hartley, Joseph Smith Papers (Church Historian’s Press, 2013), 92–94.
  2. 2. Book of Mormon, 1830 edition, “Preface to the Reader,” iii–iv.
  3. 3. See “Seer Stone,” Glossary, The Joseph Smith Papers, Church Historian’s Press, accessed July 21, 2025, https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/topic/seer-stone; “History, 1834–1836,” in Davidson and others, eds., Histories, Volume 1, 41; and “Volume 1 Introduction: Joseph Smith Documents Dating Through June 1831,” in MacKay and others, eds., Documents, Volume 1, xxix–xxxii; See also Mosiah 8:13; 28:13; and Ether 4:5.
  4. 4. Joseph wrote, “Through the medium of the Urim and Thummim I translated the record by the gift, and power of God.” “‘Church History,’ 1 March 1842,” in Davidson and others, eds., Histories, Volume 1, 495; “Volume 1 Introduction,” xxix–xxx, xxxn27; See Michael Hubbard MacKay and Gerrit J. Dirkmaat, From Darkness unto Light: Joseph Smith’s Translation and Publication of the Book of Mormon (Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University; Deseret Book, 2015), 119–30; Anthony Sweat, “By the Gift and Power of Art,” in MacKay and Dirkmaat, From Darkness unto Light, 229–43; and Stan Spencer, “What Did the Interpreters (Urim and Thummim) Look Like?,” Interpreter: A Journal of Latter-day Saint Faith and Scholarship 33 (2019): 223–56, https://journal.interpreterfoundation.org/what-did-the-interpreters-urim-and-thummim-look-like/.
  5. 5. I am grateful for dialogue with Jonathan Neville on the evidence presented here from Mormon’s plates. See his Whatever Happened to the Golden Plates?, updated ed. (Digital Legend, 2023), Kindle ed. For a positive appraisal of Neville’s perspective, see Richard Lyman Bushman, Joseph Smith’s Gold Plates: A Cultural History (Oxford University Press, 2023), 172–73.
  6. 6. “Title Page of the Book of Mormon, circa Early June 1829,” in MacKay and others, eds., Documents, Volume 1, 63–65.
  7. 7. While “plates of Nephi” are mentioned on the title page, this refers to Nephi’s large plates, rather than the small plates—as shown by how these plates are described. The title page begins, “The Book of Mormon: an account written by the hand of Mormon upon plates taken from the plates of Nephi. Wherefore, it is an abridgment of the record of the people of Nephi.” Notably, this does not say that the plates of Nephi were spliced into Mormon’s plates; but, rather, that Mormon’s plates were “taken from” the plates of Nephi. The title page provides the context for what this means. It reasons that Mormon’s record being “taken from” the plates of Nephi makes it “an abridgment,” dovetailing with other texts that describe Mormon’s record as an abridgment from the large plates of Nephi (for example, W of M 1:3). Indeed, Mormon elsewhere uses the title page’s precise language to describe his process of abridging the large plates—“And now I, Mormon, proceed to finish out my record, which I take from the plates of Nephi” (W of M 1:9, emphasis added; compare v. 5)—implying that the “plates of Nephi” from which Mormon’s record was “taken” are the large plates. Another indication that the title page’s reference to the “plates of Nephi” does not describe the small plates is its identification of the record as “an account written by the hand of Mormon,” unlike the small plates of Nephi written by Nephi, Jacob, and others.
  8. 8. For Moroni as the author of all or part of the title page, see Sidney B. Sperry, “Moroni the Lonely: The Story of the Writing of the Title Page to the Book of Mormon,” Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 4, no. 1 (1995): 255–59; and David B. Honey, “The Secular as Sacred: The Historiography of the Title Page,” Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 3, no. 1 (1994): 94–103.
  9. 9. Mormon’s abridged material covers up through King Benjamin (W of M 1:3), so it would have covered from 600 BC to around 130 BC, a historical span of about 470 years. Regarding the lost manuscript, see Don Bradley, The Lost 116 Pages: Reconstructing the Book of Mormon’s Missing Stories (Greg Kofford Books, 2019).
  10. 10. One might propose that Moroni attached the small plates to Mormon’s record only after composing the title page, but this view is problematic. The only source that can be read as suggesting the two sets of plates were bound together attributes the act to Mormon, not Moroni, and places it before Moroni received either set of plates (W of M 1:6). Also, Moroni reveals in Moroni 1:1 that he considered the record complete after adding the book of Ether—“Now I, Moroni, after having made an end of abridging the account of the people of Jared, I had supposed not to have written more”—so a title page mentioning the book of Ether should reflect his complete intended work. If it is nevertheless supposed that Moroni added the small plates after the book of Ether, then he could have also added mention of these plates on the title page, leaving the problem of his omission of the small plates from the title page still unresolved.
  11. 11. Based on the 2013 English edition of the Book of Mormon and adjusting for the commentary from Moroni, the book of Ether comprises about 30 pages, which is approximately 5.65 percent (30 pages divided by 531 pages). The small plates of Nephi (1 Nephi–Omni, 143 pages) comprise 26.9 percent. Similar ratios can be calculated using digital word counts.
  12. 12. I use the term “Hill Cumorah” here as the traditional designation for the hill where Joseph Smith found the plates. How this hill relates to the hill called Cumorah in the Book of Mormon text is an open question to be addressed by other authors. See, for instance, Andrew H. Hedges, “Book of Mormon Geographies,” BYU Studies Quarterly 60, no. 3 (2021): 196–200.
  13. 13. Examples of this assumption can be found widely across time in Latter-day Saint discourse on the Book of Mormon. See, for example, B. H. Roberts, An Analysis of the Book of Mormon: Suggestions to the Reader (Millennial Star Office, 1888), 3, https://scripturecentral.org/archive/books/book/analysis-book-mormon-suggestions-reader?searchId=0eb3e36bfb24dcd9bb1d1bece1531216b59539a8fde17ee80224af0653c92aa3-en-v=e261582; John A. Tvedtnes, “Composition and History of the Book of Mormon,” New Era, September 1974, 41–43, https://www.churchofjesuschrist.org/study/new-era/1974/09/composition-and-history-of-the-book-of-mormon; Eldin Ricks, “The Formation of the Book of Mormon Plates,” Improvement Era, November 1960, 796–97, 852–54, https://archive.org/details/improvementera6311unse/mode/2up; and Grant R. Hardy, “Book of Mormon Plates and Records,” Encyclopedia of Mormonism, ed. Daniel H. Ludlow, vol. 1, A–D (Macmillan, 1992), https://eom.byu.edu/index.php?title=Book_of_Mormon_Plates_and_Records.
  14. 14. American Dictionary of the English Language, under “put,” Websters Dictionary 1828, accessed August 31, 2025, https://webstersdictionary1828.com/Dictionary/put.
  15. 15. For descriptions of the stack of plates being bound together by rings see documents 97, 107, and 146 in “Documents of the Translation of the Book of Mormon,” in Opening the Heavens: Accounts of Divine Manifestations, 18201844, ed. John W. Welch, 2d. ed. (Brigham Young University Press; Deseret Book, 2017), 175, 181, 202.
  16. 16. Joseph reported that “the Title Page of the Book of Mormon is a literal translation taken from the very last leaf, on the left hand side of the collection or book of plates, which contained the record which has been translated.” “History Drafts, 1838–Circa 1841,” in Davidson and others, eds., Histories, Volume 1, 352. This suggests that the title page may have been the final portion of Mormon’s plates that Joseph translated before (as described below) returning the plates in May 1829 to the messenger who had delivered them. Such data points regarding the structure of the plates support the view that Nephi’s small plates were bound separately from Mormon’s plates. Various scholars have concluded that the evidence makes it implausible for Nephi’s small plates to have had a position within Mormon’s plate stack. While the author interned with the Joseph Smith Papers Project working with the 1820s sources, Michael Hubbard Mackay and other scholars examined the evidence for the placement of the small plates in Mormon’s record and found no placement consistent with the evidence. Latter-day Saint scholars Terryl and Nathaniel Givens similarly assessed the evidence for where the plates of Nephi could fit in Mormon’s plate stack and “gave up not because it was indeterminate but because no location at all made sense.” Nathaniel Givens, personal communication to author, February 9, 2021.
  17. 17. For the small plates being translated after Mormon’s plates, see J. B. Haws, “The Lost 116 Pages Story: What We Do Know,” in The Coming Forth of the Book of Mormon: A Marvelous Work and a Wonder, ed. Dennis L. Largey, Andrew H. Hedges, John Hilton III, and Kerry Hull (Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University; Deseret Book, 2015), 90–92; Brent Lee Metcalfe, “The Priority of Mosiah: A Prelude to Book of Mormon Exegesis,” in New Approaches to the Book of Mormon: Explorations in Critical Methodology¸ ed. Brent Lee Metcalfe (Signature Books, 1993), 395–444; and Royal Skousen, “Critical Methodology and the Text of the Book of Mormon,” Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 6, no. 1 (1994): 121–44.
  18. 18. “Revelation, May 1829–A [D&C 11],” and “Revelation, May 1829–B [D&C 12],” in MacKay and others, Documents, Volume 1, 50–57.
  19. 19. John W. Welch, “Timing the Translation of the Book of Mormon: ‘Days [and Hours] Never to Be Forgotten,’” BYU Studies Quarterly 57, no. 4 (2018): 10–50; Patrick A. Bishop, Day After Day: The Translation of the Book of Mormon (Eborn Publishing, 2018); Elden J. Watson, “Approximate Book of Mormon Translation Timeline,” April 1995, http://www.eldenwatson.net/BoM.htm; Dan Vogel, Joseph Smith: the Making of a Prophet (Signature Books, 2004), 363.
  20. 20. Welch, “Timing the Translation of the Book of Mormon,” 35.
  21. 21. The original manuscript of the Book of Mormon shows a shift of handwriting to another scribe, initially identified by Royal Skousen as an anonymous “Scribe 2,” in the original chapter 1 of First Nephi, at what is now 1 Nephi 3:7. Royal Skousen, ed., The Original Manuscript of the Book of Mormon: Typographical Facsimile of the Extant Text (Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies, 2001), 14. Skousen has subsequently identified this “Scribe 2” as John Whitmer. Royal Skousen, “The History of the Book of Mormon Text: Parts 5 and 6 of Volume 3 of the Critical Text,” BYU Studies Quarterly 59, no. 1 (2020): 115. Joseph Smith noted that “John Whitmer, in particular, assisted us very much in writing during the remainder of the work” of translation at the Whitmer residence. “History Drafts, 1838–Circa 1841,” 308.
  22. 22. “David Whitmer Interview with Orson Pratt and Joseph F. Smith, 7–8 September 1878,” in Early Mormon Documents, comp. and ed. Dan Vogel, 5 vols. (Signature Books, 1996–2003), 5:51–52, reproduced from “Report of Elders Orson Pratt and Joseph F. Smith,” Deseret News, November 16, 1878.
  23. 23. Edward Stevenson, Journal, February 9, 1886, 24:34–36 [image 38–40], Edward Stevenson Collection 1849–1922, Church History Catalog, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, https://catalog.churchofjesuschrist.org/assets/9f4720e3-45cf-4f74-8e7c-94374708b5e4/0/39.
  24. 24. “History Drafts, 1838–Circa 1841,” 236–38, emphasis added. See also Joseph Smith—History 1:59–60.
  25. 25. “Martin Harris Interview with Joel Tiffany, January 1859,” in Vogel, Early Mormon Documents, 2:310, reproduced from “Mormonism–No. II,” Tiffany’s Monthly: Devoted to the Investigation of the Science of Mind, in the Physical, Intellectual, Moral and Religious Planes Thereof 5, no. 4 (August 1859): 170.
  26. 26. Orson Pratt, A Interesting Account of Several Remarkable Visions, and of the Late Discovery of Ancient American Records (Edinburgh, 1840), 13–14, https://contentdm.lib.byu.edu/digital/collection/NCMP1820-1846/id/2821.
  27. 27. “History Drafts, 1838–Circa 1841,” 238. Compare Joseph Smith—History 1:60.
  28. 28. Another explanation that could be offered for Joseph and Oliver relocating to the Whitmer home at the end of May 1829, albeit one that does not account for them doing so upon completing the plates of Mormon, is the idea that the Whitmers had initiated this relocation by offering their home for the remainder of the translation. However, David Whitmer stated emphatically that the initiative for the relocation came from Joseph, who requested the Whitmers to open up their home: “Soon after I received another letter from Cowdery, telling me to come down into Pennsylvania and bring him and Joseph to my father’s house, giving me a reason therefor that they had received a commandment from God to that effect.” David Whitmer, “Mormonism,” Kansas City Journal, June 5, 1881, https://catalog.churchofjesuschrist.org/assets/daac9a1e-5938-4487-9610-0e4e5b5981ed/0/0. Similarly, persecution in Harmony may be cited as a reason for the relocation. Although Joseph’s reminiscent history of this early period mentions persecution around the time of his and Oliver’s encounter with John the Baptist on May 15, 1829, he does not give this as a reason for their subsequent relocation to Fayette. It seems likely that Joseph mistakenly placed this persecution in 1829 when it actually belonged in 1828. Joseph’s recollection describes Emma’s father’s family (Hales) but not her mother’s family (Lewis) as a bulwark against this persecution. This suggests that some of the persecution occurred in the summer of 1828, when the Lewises managed to get Joseph expelled from the Methodist probationary class and threatened to have him investigated on the charge of being “a practicing necromancer.” “Joseph and Hiel Lewis Statements, 1879,” in Vogel, Early Mormon Documents, 4:311, reproducing Joseph Lewis, “Review of Mormonism. Rejoinder to Elder Cadwell,” Amboy (Ill.) Journal, June 11, 1879, 1. Despite such evidence for 1828 persecutions against Joseph in Harmony, no extant evidence indicates that there were persecutions against him there in 1829. There is also no evidence that Joseph and Oliver slackened their pace of translation in April–May 1829 while at Harmony. In fact, Joseph did his most rapid translation work at precisely this time. See Bradley, Lost 116 Pages, 97–101.
  29. 29. Joseph Smith never explained how he acquired the small plates, perhaps in line with his 1831 statement that “it was not intended to tell the world all the particulars of the coming forth of the book of Mormon, & also said that it was not expedient for him to relate these things.” “Volume 1 Introduction,” xxix.
  30. 30. See Cameron J. Packer, “Cumorah’s Cave,” Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 13, no. 1–2 (2004): 50–57.
  31. 31. Stevenson, Journal, December 23, 1877, 14:18 [image 24]. According to David Whitmer’s account, “My mother was going to milk the cows, when she was met out near the yard by the same old man (judging by her description of him) who said to her, ‘You have been very faithful and diligent in your labors, but you are tired because of the increase of your toil, it is proper therefore that you should receive a witness that your faith may be strengthened.’ Thereupon he showed her the plates.” “David Whitmer Interview with Orson Pratt and Joseph F. Smith,” in Vogel, Early Mormon Documents, 5:51–52; Royal Skousen, “Another Account of Mary Whitmer’s Viewing of the Golden Plates,” Interpreter: A Journal of Mormon Scripture 10 (2014): 36; Amy Easton-Flake and Rachel Cope, “A Multiplicity of Witnesses: Women and the Translation Process,” in Largey and others, Coming Forth of the Book of Mormon, 133–36.
  32. 32. While it would make the most sense for the messenger to bring to the Whitmer farm the plates Joseph had not yet translated—the small plates, the messenger may have brought both sets of plates. One nineteenth-century Utah Latter-day Saint, after hearing the story of Mary Whitmer from David Whitmer, understood that the plates the angel showed her were Mormon’s plates. Edward Stevenson, who heard David Whitmer relate Mary Whitmer’s report in 1877, 1886, and 1887, wrote in his 1886 journal entry after his second Whitmer interview that the angel had shown Mary Whitmer a set of plates that were partly sealed, which, if accurate, would presumably have been the plates of Mormon. The assertion that Mary Whitmer saw the sealed plates is absent from Stevenson’s account of his earlier 1877 interview from the more detailed interview report by Joseph F. Smith and Orson Pratt that same year, and from all other reports of Mary Whitmer’s experience. Stevenson may have confused David Whitmer’s account of his mother’s experience of the plates with David’s own oft-repeated description of the plates as partly sealed based on his own experience of them as one of the Three Witnesses. “Edward Stevenson Interview, Diary, December 22–23, 1877,” in David Whitmer Interviews: A Restoration Witness, ed. Lyndon W. Cook (Grandin Book, 1991), 13; “David Whitmer Interview with Orson Pratt and Joseph F. Smith,” in Vogel, Early Mormon Documents, 5:51–52; “Edward Stevenson Interview, Diary, February 9, 1886,” in Cook, David Whitmer Interviews, 181–82; and E. Stevenson, “A Visit to David Whitmer,” Juvenile Instructor 22, no. 4 (February 15, 1887): 55.
  33. 33. That Nephi was involved at some point in the reception or transportation of plates is suggested by Joseph Smith’s conflation of Nephi and Moroni in the earliest draft of his 1838 History. “History Drafts, 1838–Circa 1841,” 222. (See also discussion of this variant in “History Drafts, 1838–Circa 1841,” 223n56.) Were Nephi not involved in some such way, it is difficult to understand why both Mary Whitmer and the Prophet Joseph employed the name Nephi as that of a messenger involved in the coming forth of the book of plates.
  34. 34. Easton-Flake and Cope, “Multiplicity of Witnesses,” 133–53.
  35. 35. Mary Magdalene’s role in testifying of the resurrected Christ to the Twelve garnered for her in early Christianity the designation of “apostle to the apostles.” See Brendan McConvery, “Hippolytus’ Commentary on the Song of Songs and John 20: Intertextual Reading in Early Christianity,” Irish Theological Quarterly 71, no. 3–4 (2006): 211–22, for an example of this from early in the second century.
  36. 36. For an insightful discussion of the neglect of women’s roles in the Book of Mormon’s emergence and an attempt to recover some of those roles, see Amy Easton-Flake and Rachel Cope, “Reconfiguring the Archive: Women and the Social Production of the Book of Mormon,” in Producing Ancient Scripture: Joseph Smith’s Translation Projects in the Development of Mormon Christianity, ed. Michael Hubbard MacKay, Mark Ashurst-McGee, and Brian M. Hauglid (University of Utah Press, 2020), 105–34. Where published work on the coming forth of the Book of Mormon has acknowledged the roles played by others, including Mary Whitmer, these have almost always tended to be in the form of acknowledging their temporal assistance in the work, such as keeping Joseph with lodging and provisions while he translated. A salutary new trend toward greater acknowledgment of women’s roles in the coming forth of the Book of Mormon, including their roles as informal witnesses, may be found in several recent articles from Scripture Central, including “How Did Emma Smith Help Bring Forth the Book of Mormon?,” Scripture Central, KnoWhy #386, August 21, 2019, https://scripturecentral.org/knowhy/how-did-emma-smith-help-bring-forth-the-book-of-mormon?searchId=b99055ddcb9769a6e5f3f41f86110ed7a28ca06baa2f5660c8e73da305646ff1-en-v=e261582; “What Does Mary Whitmer Teach Us About Enduring Trials?,” Scripture Central, KnoWhy #455, August 21, 2019, http://scripturecentral.org/knowhy/what-does-mary-whitmer-teach-us-about-enduring-trials?searchId=b99055ddcb9769a6e5f3f41f86110ed7a28ca06baa2f5660c8e73da305646ff1-en-v=e261582; and Chris Heimerdinger, “5 Women Who Are Witnesses of the Physical Golden Plates,” Scripture Central, March 2, 2018, https://scripturecentral.org/blog/5-women-who-are-witnesses-of-the-physical-golden-plates?searchId=b99055ddcb9769a6e5f3f41f86110ed7a28ca06baa2f5660c8e73da305646ff1-en-v=e261582.
  37. 37. The Prophet Joseph Smith has unquestionably been the central instrument in God’s hands to inaugurate the work of restoration. Yet, as President Russell M. Nelson has taught, the Restoration was not a one-time work, either by Joseph or anyone else; rather, it is an ongoing process in which we participate. Russell M. Nelson, “Hear Him,” Liahona, May 2020, 88. For example, Martin Harris received a vision, as stated by Joseph in his 1832 history: “a man by the name of Martin Har[r]is . . . became convinced of th[e] vision and . . . the Lord appeared unto him in a vision and shewed unto him his marvilous work which he was about to do and <h[e]> imediately came to Suquehannah and said the Lord had shown him that he must go to new York City <with> some of the characters so we proceeded to coppy some of them and he took his Journy to the Eastern Cittys and to the Learned.” “History, circa Summer 1832,” in Davidson and others, Histories, Volume 1, 15. See also Welch, Opening the Heavens.
issue cover
BYU Studies 64:4
ISSN 2837-004x (Online)
ISSN 2837-0031 (Print)