Mary S. Campbell
(1
Jan. 24, 1892
Mary S. Campbell, an aged lady of Beaver
resided in Cedar City in 1857 and before the
company arrived here they heard how they
had poisoned the springs and beefs in passing
through Millard County, and <that> this made the
Indians mad, that they also brought a herd of
cattle along that they intended to take to the
Meadows and fatten for the soldiers, hence the
people expected what to expect. Before they
arrived Prest. Isaac C Haight preached to the
people about this and on alluding to their
stock, said we ‘wanted some stock and th
the intimation was to get the stock away
from them. The rumors raised the <ire> th ir
of people, and they were prepared; when finally
company they insulted the people, threatening
what they would do, particularly a man on a
grey horse was the most loud mouthe
mouthed of the lot. No intimation was
made at all to kill them. The company
simply passed through, and bought some pro-
visions. Then passed on to the meadows,
and the report came in that they had
stopped there and intended to stop their cattle
their, just as they had said they would for
the soldiers, One evening Sister Campbell
overheard John M. Higbee giving orders to
Benjaman Arthur, Elliot Wildon and
another young man to go to the Meadows
and warn them to move on, as the
Meadows belonged to them.1 They started.
2)
A short time afterward <or about the same time>2 she
saw Isaac C. Smith [Haight], Klingensmith
John M. Higbee, John D. Lee, was
passed by the end of her house to the
Cottonwoods below where the Indians
were camped and held a consultation
with them. Soon Same evening the
Indians squaws came into the fort
and the bucks left for the Meadows;
the squaws said the Indians were going
to kill the “Mericates.” The Indians
started at once. After that an In-
dian messenger came in every day for
several days and called on Isaac C Haight,
Finally a council was held, Bro Campbe
being in that, but he did not tell his wife,
and this council resulted in a company
starting for the Meadows, numbering about
20 or 25 men. They were gone several
days and returned on a Saturday night
bringing in some children (perhaps 18 in
number) and goods, including wagons, and
camping utensils, including skellets milk
pans, churns, etc. goods taking to the
tithing office; afterwards sold by auction
and bought by the people generally. The pros-
ceeds was afterwards, or part of it, brought
up to Salt Lake City, and offered to Prest Young,
(3
but he refused it as blood money,
and the cattle were put in the corall
and afterwards Alexander G. Ingram after wards
to Salt Lake City to deliver to tithing office, but when Prest
Young found out whose stock it was he ordered it turned
out on the range, would not have them.
wagons and covers, etc, sold also by
auction. Lee’s women wore the killed
woman’s clothing and jewelry. One girl
supposed to be nine years old in the charge,
of [blank] Dukes [Samuel Jewkes] who in meeting a man
in the fort <Cedar or Harmony> exclaimed: There is the man
who killed my father. This girl was
afterwards disappeared (hence only 17 given:
to Forney. Nearly all the children remained
in Cedar and Harmony. Dukes had
2, Mrs. Ingram 1, Lee 2 at least
and the rest in other famil[i]es. Afterwards
delivered to J<acob> Forney. After the massacre
the teachers were sent around enjoining
upon the people to keep their mouths closed
Example: If you see a dead men laying
on your wood pile dead, you must not tell
but go about your business. The people of
Cedar was aware of the white’s being guilty
and hence causioned to be caref silent from
the first. The <reports> reaching Cedar daily about
the progress in the Medows leaked out
occasionally, among other things how the
emigrants were in their rifle pits, and one
woman killed when coming out to milk her cow
4)
After Haslem had returned to
Cedar, he told in public what
Prest Young had told him to spare
no horesflesh <change horses> but hurry on and
tell Haight to let the emigrants pass
and not molest them.
[The text below is part of an index entry for the Historical Record, a project Jenson worked on in the 1880s. In Jenson’s field notes, several of the interviews end with a page that is blank except for a brief index entry from the Historical Record. Because these pages contain no information about the Mountain Meadows Massacre, we have not included them in this issue of BYU Studies. They will appear, however, in the complete Jenson and Morris collections published in Mountain Meadows Massacre Documents.]
[bottom of page, upside down] Seventies 593
Mary H. White
[p. 1]
Mrs. Mary H. White, widow after3
Samuel D. White, and now 73
years old, residing in Beaver, testi-
fied in the presence of Andrew Jenson
and her son, Charles D. White Jan.
24, 1892, that she remember the Ar-
kansas company passing through Hamil-
tons Fort, where she then lived, in the
latter part of August, 1857; they begged
butter milk, and traded traded with
Bro White a mule for a horse, which
was afterwards seen in possession of the
Indians. White was a member of the
High Council, but opposed the killing
of the company, and he was not in the
council meeting that decided to kill
the company. The Company passed
through Hamilton’s Fort and camped
at Quitsampaugh, about 6 miles
southwest of Hamiltons Fort; while
camped there, for several days, a
good place to recrute their animals,
White visited the company there and
traded his horse; and some of the Indians
were also camped at the bottoms, some
of them came to Camp and conversed
with White, who could talk the Indian
tongue. Indians wanted to know why
the Mormons did not kill the com-
pany, as had been talked of in Cedar
[verso of p. 1]
but White tried to pacify them by telling
them that the brethren in Cedar
meant the soldiers, not the women
and children in that company. After-
wards White told Isaac C Haight
what he had done, and Haight
appeared to be angry and told White
he wished they would let Indians
alone. It was soon after the massac[r]e
had taken place that the other company
passed through, taking the Black Ridge
road. Sister White remembers some
of the emigrant goods in the
tithing office <cellar> at Cedar. Sister
White and husband spent a sleepless
night, when they were informed that
the company would be destroyed. And
after it was done, everybody was
silenced not to speak about it
and not to talk about it to any one. Sister
White bought a dress little girls dress
from an Indian, that had belonged
to an emigrant girl. It was supposed
that Lee kept most of the spoil, in-
cluding a large number of cattle; and
only a <small> portion was sent up to Salt
Lake City. up north.
Corrections to Bancroft History
Bancroft Corrections:
Page 550. It was as early as Wednes <Thursday>
day or Thursday <Friday> that the emigrants first
went into camp at the Meadows
Lee was the only white man there in the
first attack on Monday, so the Indians
said
The attackers did not build parapets
(Clewes is mistaken abo is mistaken about
the distance between the spring where Lee was
camped and the emigrant camp.)
Bancroft is right
Lee was alone on the ground on Tuesday
Monday; it is supposed that no other whites
were with him—until Wednesday, when
Higbees men came up, and also some from
the south. (See names in Lees Confession)
Besides shooting in the day time two
or three night attacks were made during
the seige; but it is not known whether
any of them were killed or not.
[p. 3]
Bancroft. page 552.
+ Wilden says: “Higbee did not obey
orders at this point, hoping the orders
would be countermanded,” the Indians
in the meantime became very uneasy,
and kept approaching on all fours,
anxious to do their work of destruction
while emigrants were allowed to pass
by about ¼ mile further that place
agreed upon
[p. 2]
Bancroft page 552
B. His contradictory evidence right, but
“sufficent proof” matter all wrong. Isaac
C Haight nor Dame did not arrive on
the ground till morning after <the> massacre,
Hamblin’s ranche at the extreme
north end of the Meadows
The militia was stationed over <nearly> ½ mile
from camp, (not 200 yards) militia
in single, not in double file,)
so that the wagons could pass on
the front or west side of them.
(When militia was reached, the men
halted a little while but the women
continued the march after the wagon (two
of the wounded men walked along). Here
Higbee disobeyed orders in not giving
the signal “halt,” which (instead of
the word “Do your duty”) was the signal
he let the whole pass by the place where,
the Indians lay, and the point which had
been agreed on as the point of attack. This
made the Indians mad, who though[t] T O [turn over]
[verso of p. 2]
they were going to be deceived, Higbee
was there did this in the hope of
a last chance to receive orders coun-
termanding the fatal order. Lee after
wards scolded Higbee for this delay,
After the company had passed about
¼ of a mile further th[an] the point
agreed upon Higbee reluctantly
almost terrored gave the fatal
order “halt,” upon which the
Indians, who had been anxiously
waiting (see other slip).4 Some of
the militia were not armed
(among them Willden) and Benjamin
Arthur).
[The text below is part of an index entry for the Historical Record, a project Jenson worked on in the 1880s.]
[bottom of page, upside down] South Jordan, <[illegible]> 341
[p. 4]
Bancroft 553,
“Half an hour later as the women
emigrants passing emigrant
men stopped a few moments while
the women and larg[e]r children moved
on, but soon again took up line
of march, with militia on the
right or east side and emigrants
on the west, The killing commenced
after the women had passed ¼
mile past the ambuscade, and
the killig commenced. as None
escaped of those who marched
out. Two or three had escaped
during the seige some time
and had started for California,
They were, however, overtaken and
killed by Indians on the Muddy
traveling on foot towards California.
(No Mormons in disguise among
those who killed the women.
Some of the women are reported to
have fallen
[The text below is part of an index entry for the Historical Record, a project Jenson worked on in the 1880s.]
[bottom of page, upside down] Springfield Ill. 680
[p. 5]
Page 554, It is supposed that
only a <very> few, if any scalps were taken
by the Indians. Those <Some of those> who helped
bury the dead, remembers nothing
of the kind, and are of the opin[io]n
that no scalps were taken, and
that no bodies were mutilated
only so far as it had been done
in the killing. Only one child
known to be killed, and that was
carried not by its father, as Bancroft
state, but by a German, who carred
somebody elses child. He was known
as a German, as he talked lively
with some of the militia as he
passed along. The wagons was
perhaps ½ mile north of where the
militia was, at time of killing.
[The text below is part of an index entry for the Historical Record, a project Jenson worked on in the 1880s.]
[bottom of page, upside down] Springfield. Ill 899
[p. 6]
Page 555.
Lee and associate after killing
went to supper at Hamblin’s Ranch
being was then nearly sundown. Dead
not The dead burried next mor-
ning, as spades and other digging
implements had to be gathered big [before?]
graves could be dug; most of the
tools gotten at emigrant camp
Some went ho of militia went home
the next morning and not back to
help bury the dead. Dur[in]g the
killing, Wm. C. Stewart disobeyed
orders (also Joel White) and ran
after some of the emigrants who
did not fall at first fire, who run
west to escape. Instead of letting the
horsemen finish them up as planned
Stewart and White ran after them and
overtook them several hundred yards
from the militia. About three or four
only broke and run. Running thus S. [Stewart] &
White came near getting killed by
their comrades, who thought they were T O [turn over]
[verso of p. 6]
emigrants. They were told to stop
to stop by their comrades. The <supposed> reason
why the three or four men escaped
was that some of the militia men
fired in the air, unwilling to kill
do the part assigned them. More
militia men than emigrant men.
[The text below is part of an index entry for the Historical Record, a project Jenson worked on in the 1880s.]
[bottom of page, upside down] South Jordan 343
[p. 7]
Page 556. not horribly mangled
nor scalped. The dead not
dragged to ravines, but in graves
about 3 <to 4> feet deep, lack graves
dug right on the spot; about 3 or four
in each grave, lack of tools and <very>
hard ground prevented graves
from be[in]g made deeper. Not
true that graves opened by first
floods, but wolves may have
unearthed some of the [remains?].
It is supposed that all the bodies
were unearthed by wolves, even
the ones the emigrants buried them-
selves in their rifle pits.
[p. 8]
Page 557 David (not Daniel)
Tullis
Page 559, The men committing
for murder in Camp Floyd were
not those any of those who par-
ticipated in the M.M. affair.
[The text below is part of an index entry for the Historical Record, a project Jenson worked on in the 1880s.]
[bottom of page, upside down] Springfield Ill 602
Ellott Willden
[p. 1]
[The two paragraphs on this page are crossed out. Jenson apparently crossed out some of his notes after incorporating the information into other documents. For other examples, see pages 80, 82, 84, 86, 88, 90, 92, and 94 of this issue.]
Welden
Arkansas Company passed
through Cedar not later than the
28th of August (Cor. Haslem p. 85)
because he arrived home from
a prolonged trip on that day,
and when he came home,
the company had already passed
through
Welden knows positively
it was Aden was killed by Stewart
from his own statement, to him
and the other W. afterwards saw
the bodies of the other two being
carried over a ridge. Aden was
killed in broad daylight and
the other two in the night, as
stated, by Klinginsmith and crowd
going to the Meadows. McFarlane
went out with this company. This
last was on the Wednesday <night> Aden killed
on Monday, or perhaps Tuesday
[p. 2]
W. It was understood by Welden
and others who first went out
to M Meadows that they were
to find occasion or something
that would justify the Indians
being let loose upon the emigrants
but this was not to have taken
place until th[ey] reached the Santa
Clara, where the opportun[ity] for
such an attack was most
excellent. The affair on Monday
was not in the programme, nor
the killing done by Stewart., After
that it seemed to become necessary
to kill all to silence the rest, hence
the tan Bark Council and other
councils in Parowan and Cedar
to decide what to do in the
dillemma
[p. 3]
Welden Cont.
The cattle, 2 yokes to each wagon,
that hauled the wagons in
from the Meadows to the Cedar
City, was turned out taken
out onto to the Hamilton
Range, to range about Hamiltons <Fort>
where they would be out of the
way and not be identified
by Dukes Missouri Company
that was expected to pass
through right away. What
afterwards became of them is
not known, only some were
gathered up and sold
[p. 4]
[The following notes are not clearly identified as deriving from Andrew Jenson’s interviews with Ellott Willden.]
Lee p. 307.5 How could Geo. A. Smith
meet the Arkansas Company at Corn
Creek on the 25 of August when
it did not pass through Cedar later
than the 28th of August? Geo A
Smith must be mistaken about dates
[p. 5]
Parowan
The Arkansas Company passed
through Parowan and camped
over night at wha on the flat
below what is locally known
as Barton’s Spring about ¾ mile
southwest of the centre of Parowan.
When traveling from Pargoonah to
Parowan several of the citizens heard
them make use of the most terrible
oaths, one man calling his ox
Brigham, denouncing him as a
whoremaster etc., using all kinds
of epithets. Thomas Henderson
remembers Silas S. Smith talking
about this, and others6
[p. 6]
The first plan was that
the Indians should not attack
the company until the[y] got down
on the Santa Clara, and then
no white men were to take
part, and only men to be killed
and booty taken, but no women
and children killed. The attack
on Monday was not “then a part of
the plan according to statements of
Lee Dame and Haight afterwards; the
break was made because Lee could
not hold the Indians back. This
was known before the break was
made—that is the Santa Clara affair—
hence the boys at Hamblin’s were
astonished to learn of the attack on Monday
morning. Council then with Clewes
express to Lee to keep the Indians back,
but this break was made before Thornton
got to the Meadows on Monday. The
original plan was to kill have the
Indians were to attack on Santa Clara,
instead of the civil authorities arresting
the offenders in Cedar because of their
profanity
[p. 7]
The calling of men by Higbee and
Klingensmith to go to the Meadows
was done in Council, and Higbee
did claim to act under orders from
Haight and Lee. A number of
Councils were held.
[The text below is part of an index entry for the Historical Record, a project Jenson worked on in the 1880s.]
[bottom of page, upside down] Devaul, Daniel, 725
[verso of p. 7]
It can not be ascerned, S
[p. 8]
Confidential
It is
It is understood that Lee, in
his confession, which he
alludes to his own tender-hearted-
ness, misrepresents; it is well
known that he, Wm C Stewart
Klingensmith, Joel Whit were
the most bloodthirsty. MCMurdy
an[d] Sam Knights an[d] believes that
they would not have taken their
part, and this was indeed the case
with the majority of the men
who participated, & Several were
kno[w]n to have shed tears right
on the ground, and it was
only in obedience to ther orders
that they would have had ayh [anything?]
at all to [illegible] in the affair—
William Barton
(1
Confidential
Wm. Barton <about 71 years old.> who resides near Red
Paragoonah, an old Missouri through Nauvoo
troubles, came to Utah—1851, and located
in Parowan, in November, 1851, lived
there in 1857. Remember the Arkansas
Company passed through, (Barton was a
Counselor to Bp. Lewis) A council was
After company passed through, they
heard that the company had got into
trouble with the Indians at the Meadows
and Prest Wm. H. Dame laid the matter
before a council of brethren, in which it
was decided to aid the company against
the Indians, if the company of imigrants
called for aid; otherwise they would
let them fight it out with the Indians.
Later Jesse N. Smith and Edward Dalton
were sent to Pinto to ascertain how
things were moving in the Meadows, and
returned disgusted with what was being <going>
orders on, and th[e]y said that Lee and other[s]
were taking on the attitude toward the emi-
grants. The night after their re-
turn, Isaac C. Haight and Elias Morris
came up to Parowan from Cedar to
confer with Col Dame about the situation
A council was called at Bro. Dames
house, and attended by Col Dame, E. Morris
(2
Isaac C. Haight, <James H Martineau> Jesse N. Smith,
Calvin C. Pendleton, Elijah New-
man and Tarlton Lewis, In that
council a propos[i]tion made by Pendleton
was adopted to the effect, that a compa-
ny should be sent out from Parowan
and Cedar to call the Indians off, gather
up the stock for the company, and let
them continue their journey in peace.
The council then dismissed, but later
in the same day <occasion> a consultation of three
consisting of I. C. Haight, Wm. H. Dame
and another man,7 was held on the by
the east gate of the Parowan fort wall
The three sat upon a pile of bark, hence
known in certain circles as the “Tan
Bark Council.” Right there and then
the whole programme and plan was
changed, and it was decided to destroy
the whole company. Bro. Barton
saw the three in consultation himself
but heard not what was said, but Isaac
C. Haight afterwards told Barton
that that was the deci<s>ion and he
Haight said There to Barton after-
ward “There is where we did wrong
and I would give a world if I had
it, if we had abided by the decision
(3
of the council; but alas it is too
late. The consultation of these
three must have taken place either
about Wednesday the 9th. Imme-
diately after that consultation of
three, <before daylight> Haight and Morris started
back to Cedar, and Wm. H. Dame
Afterwards Dame, accompanied
by James Lewis, Beson Lewis and
<Barney> Carter, went on an express to
the Meadows, for the purpose of
putting a stop to the massacre, Bro.
Dame having repented of what he had
agreed to do, but these four men
arrived at the Meadows too late,
the deed having then already been
done. There were none from Parowan
in the massacre. The only men that
went to the Meadows from Parowan was
the express consist[in]g of the four
men named.
[The text below is part of an index entry for the Historical Record, a project Jenson worked on in the 1880s.]
[bottom of page, upside down] Graves, Reuben, 768.
Samuel Knight
[p. 1]
MMM
Sam. Knight thinks John D. Lee statement
about the killing of the wounded was <about> correct
Knight lived at Hamblin’s Ranch (his family there;
wife just confined Aug. 6, sick; K. received order
from Cedar City to go and rouse the Indians
on the Clara; responded reluctantly; was told he must
go; went down; Indians got excited; K. returned
with Dudley Leavitt on the Monday evening;/ was
hailed by Lee <10 miles down from Meadows> who was waiting for them <or meet them>, expecting
they had brought the Indians up with them. He told them
about the Monday affair, and showed bullet holes through
his clothes and hat; he had led the attack with
Indians gathered by him around Harmony. Disappointed
at not seeing Indians with K & L., for he had expec[t]ed force
with which to renew the attack the next morning (Tuesday)
Disa Indians from Clare come on Tuesday. In the final
massacre about 4 participated from Clara, perhaps 8 or more
from Washington, and most of the others for Cedar City
K. back to ranch staid there because wife was sick
On Friday, Higbee and others came and forced him
with his team to go with them to emigrant camp.
his life threatened if he did not go; did not like to
leave his wife. McMurdy drove the wagon brought
from Cedar with supplies, all others had come on
horse back. Two wagons needed; hence they
wanted K. When shooting commenced, K’s horses,
(young colts) <were> shy, and he had all he could do to
hold them; but Lee and Indians and others did
the killing. Emigrant’s guns also in the wagon
with children and wounded. Emigrants must have
camped in Meadows Friday or Saturday previous
to Monday attack. When they arrived, some of them spoke
to K. telling him that they had met Hamblin on
Corn Creek and that he had recomen M.M. as a
[p. 2]
[Jenson apparently crossed out the text on the top half of this page because the notes were from another project and were irrelevant to the Mountain Meadows Massacre. His notes on his interview with Knight resume halfway down the page.]
Green Plains <in Hancock County, Ill.> was quite a
famous locality at the time the
Saints lived in that county <as mob headquarters.> It em-
braced parts of what are now
Wythe Walker Wilcox and Rocky
Run Townships, the post office for
which was at Levi Williams the
notorious mob leader. His house
was about 18 miles south of Nauvoo, or
6 miles southeast of Warsaw. 91, 848
suitable camp ground to rest their stock before
going onto desert. K. advised the[m] to camp
in south end of the Meadows, which they did.
It is through that the first monument erected
by Jacob Forney was torn down about 1859
perhaps by some of Prest. Youngs company who
passed through; afterwards restored by Con-
nors troop’s; this second monument has since
gradually disappeared.
[The text below is part of an index entry for the Historical Record, a project Jenson worked on in the 1880s.]
[bottom of page, upside down] Daviess County 683
Richard S. Robinson
Richard <S.> Robinson, Prest. of
Pinto, in 1857, testifies that a messenger
or two came to him with a certain written
note, signed by Isaac C. Haight, for
John D. Lee, with instructions for Robin-
son to forward it to the Meadows: R.
opened the note, and read it. Its purport;
<was that> Word had been sent to Salt Lake City,
“and Lee was to draw the Indians off
and satisfy them with beef if necessary
but not to kill the emigrants.” R.
did not know whether the note
was forwarded or not. Ask Thornton
(Amos G.) who still resides in
Pinto.
David W. Tullis
Mount. Meadows.
D W Tullis, worked for Jacob Hamblin putting
up house and corall in Meadows in 1857
(He had no house in Meadows till then) was the[re]
in 1857, taking care of stock for Hamblin. After
house was built, Sam Knight and others do[wn]
there to live (Tullis hauled the first lumber for
the house—1857 positively). Remembers Benj.
Arthur and Ellott Wilden and Reaves
with message or note from Cedar, telling of their
sauciness. This was before company arrived. Soon
after two men of emigrant train came along
inquiring after feed etc, shown to south end of
Meadows, away from settlers stock; company
went into camp on Saturday in Meadows. On
Sunday night Indians camped about 3 miles
above Pinto, digging potatoes, belonging to Richard S
Robinson and Benj. Knell; Indians never came
through Pinto; the patch of potatoes at forks of
Canyon; from there Indians went across
hill to Meadows (Emigrants passed through
Pinto on Cedar City road.) Afterwards Amos
G Thornton and two others visited the emi-
grant in Meadows. Lee held council with
about a dozen men near Hamblin’s house
<on the> day of massacre. [blank] <on>8 After council
John M. Higbee ordered all men out with their
guns.
